John Ivison: Trudeau convinced that pipeline strategy must be top priority

trudeau-morneau-1.jpg (940×705)
Justin Trudeau and Bill Morneau in March. The finance minister is one of the people who convinced the prime minister to make pipelines a priority, John Ivison writes. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Sean Kilpatrick

By John Iveson, reposted from the National Post, Apr 11, 2016

Justin Trudeau has told his senior lieutenants to draw up plans to make the Energy East pipeline and the Trans Mountain expansion in British Columbia a reality.

The prime minister has been convinced by his finance minister, Bill Morneau, and other influential voices around the cabinet table that the pipelines have to be built to achieve the ambitious economic growth targets his government has set.

But the problem for the Liberals is that this conviction has to be conveyed subtly to a public that has decidedly mixed views on oilsands expansion and pipelines.

The prime minister has never been an advocate of a Canadian future without oil. He supported the Keystone XL pipeline, and explicitly stated that no country that found 170 billion barrels of oil would leave it in the ground.

But people with knowledge of the matter suggest he has recently issued instructions that a pipeline strategy has to be top priority.

The government will make the ultimate decision on whether to approve the proposals, starting with Kinder Morgan’s Trans Mountain application, on which cabinet is expected to rule by Christmas.

Opposition to pipelines is greatest in B.C., where a December 2014 Angus Reid Institute poll suggested only 46 per cent supported the Trans Mountain expansion, and in Quebec, where only one in two Quebecers back Energy East. But there is broad support in the oil-producing provinces and Atlantic Canada, where the Liberals hold every seat.

With a provincial election due in May 2017, the Liberals are conscious that Christy Clark’s B.C. Liberals will need to be wooed. Her government opposes the Kinder Morgan expansion but Ottawa could engineer a deal that meets a number of the five requirements Clark suggested need to be fulfilled to win her approval — benefits for First Nations, a “fair share” of the economic spoils for B.C., and a world-leading marine oil-spill response system.

The Quebec government of Philippe Couillard may be easier to persuade, since the premier wants the federal government to invest $1 billion in Bombardier, the jewel in the province’s aerospace crown.

The Trudeau government has introduced new regulations for pipelines that include a climate change test and greater consideration of indigenous rights.

But government sources suggest the environmental case for these two pipelines can be made by pointing out that any increase in production in western Canada will be offset by declines in production overseas. In 2015, Saudi Arabia, which has no oversight on the environmental impact of its production, accounted for 10 per cent of Canada’s oil imports. An Ontario Energy Board study into Energy East suggested the maximum increase in greenhouse gas levels would be 1.6 per cent from current levels.

A broader public concern than greenhouse gas increases is safety, and the belief is that the public can be persuaded transporting oil by pipeline is preferable, and safer, than shipping by rail. A Leger poll in March suggested Quebecers prefer pipelines over other delivery options.

The Liberals are aware that Trudeau will have to perform a delicate balancing act on the file — he has established credibility on the environment and polls suggest he is trusted to make the right decision by a majority of Canadians (unlike his predecessor). He has made much of openness, evidence-based policy and acting as a referee, not a cheerleader, on the pipeline process.

At the same time, he is said to have become convinced that Canada’s future prosperity requires securing a world price for its crude.

The first test of the new policy will be Kinder Morgan. The National Energy Board has completed its review and its final decision is pending, before the file is passed on to cabinet. NEB hearings into Energy East have not yet started.

The government has promised a complete overhaul of the NEB to “restore confidence” in its review process.

As important will be the impact on public opinion of non-governmental organizations like Environmental Defence, which applauded the inclusion of a climate test that assesses projects against Canada’s commitment to keep the change in global temperatures below 1.5 C.

Adam Scott, a program manager at Environmental Defence, said the federal policy stipulates the government look at what can be controlled in its own jurisdiction, negating the argument about any emissions increases being offset by cuts abroad.

He also dismissed the idea that oilsands crude would find its way to the east coast by rail were the pipeline not built.

“It’s not economical and there isn’t the physical capacity to shift the oil that distance,” he said.

By cooling the rhetoric, resetting the regulatory process and privately courting moderate opponents, Trudeau’s approach has yielded more progress than the Harper government’s determination to bulldoze all opposition.

The dilemma now being posed internally is how best the federal government should use its influence to hasten the process still further. SOURCE


 

NDP MP Angus to call for emergency House of Commons debate on First Nation suicide crisis

“It is our responsibility as parliamentarians and as parents to have an immediate and in-depth discussion about the suicide crisis. As a country, we must start putting these kids first and it needs to start with Parliament. We cannot fail another generation of First Nations children.”

reposted from APTN National News, Apr 11, 2016

NDP MP Charlie Angus will on Tuesday call for an emergency House of Commons debate on the suicide crisis gripping Attawapiskat and other First Nation communities.

Angus’ office released a letter sent to House of Commons Speaker Geoff Regan Monday evening giving notice that the MP for Timmins-James Bay plans to rise in the chamber Tuesday morning and call for the emergency debate.

“There is a suicide crisis among Indigenous peoples in Canada that is hitting our youth the hardest,” wrote Angus, in the letter. “An emergency debate is required in order to allow parliamentarians to address this crisis and show that as parliamentarians we are willing to work together because the days of shrugging off the tragedies or tinkering with Band-Aid solutions are over.”

Angus said in the letter he wants the debate to not only deal with Attawapiskat, a James Bay Cree community in his own Ontario riding currently in the grips of a suicide crisis, but other communities that have been hit by tragedy.

The letter mentioned Pimicikamak Cree Nation in Manitoba which declared a state of emergency last month after suffering through six suicides and 140 suicide attempts over a two month span.

Angus’s letter also mentioned La Loche, Sask., a Dene community that faced a school shooting in January that left four people dead and seven injured.

“This matter simply cannot wait and I cannot imagine anything more important than us showing these kids that as parliamentarians we stand with them,” wrote Angus. “It is our responsibility as parliamentarians and as parents to have an immediate and in-depth discussion about the suicide crisis. As a country, we must start putting these kids first and it needs to start with Parliament. We cannot fail another generation of First Nations children.”

The Commons committee on Aboriginal affairs is also holding hearings on suicide in First Nation communities Thursday. Mushkegowuk Council Grand Chief Jonathan Solomon, who represents Attawapiskat and six other regional First Nations, is expected to testify along with Nishanwbe Aski Nation Grand Chief Alvin Fiddler and Assembly of First Nations regional Chief Isadore Day.

[email protected]

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Desperation in Attawapiskat: First Nation leaders fear for their young

Crisis teams now in northern Ontario community, counselling people affected by suicide crisis

Attawapiskat suicide emergency 2:06

Reposted from CBCNews, Apr 12, 2016

There is fear more young people on the Attawapiskat First Nation will try to harm themselves as the northern Ontario community tries to get a handle on a suicide crisis.

The chief has already said 11 people tried to kill themselves one night last weekend alone in the remote community of nearly 2,000. In response on Saturday, Attawapiskat declared a state of emergency.

A group of young people who appeared to be planning a group suicide were brought into the hospital to be assessed, said Crystal Culp, one of the relief nurses sent by the Weeneebayko Area Health Authority, which is working with Health Canada to co-ordinate the response.

She noted some of the young people taken to hospital Monday night had already taken steps to self-harm.

A forum with young people and mental health workers that was scheduled for Monday night was cancelled because so many young people were at the hospital.

Police watched over them — many between seven and 13 years old — as they spoke with mental health counsellors about their feelings of despair.

The young people say bullying, a lack of things to do and overcrowding are some of the reasons driving them to try suicide.

Culp said a couple of young people are still in hospital, but most were released Monday night.

Amy Hookimaw
Thirteen-year-old Amy Hookimaw says a lot of her friends on the Attawapiskat First Nation need support. (Olivia Stefanovich/CBC)

But there are concerns more will try to end their lives if the community doesn’t get some long-term help.

Thirteen-year-old Amy Hookimaw said some of her friends — some as young as six — have talked about harming themselves.

She said they tell her their self-esteem is low and they don’t have much to do.

“Grade 4s, 5s, 6s — they say they want to kill themselves because there’s a lot of people saying that. They always say that nobody cares about them.”

Not many people are talking to reporters about the state of emergency, at the request of Chief Bruce Shisheesh.

ONTARIO ATTAWAPISKAT SUICIDE EMERGENCYShisheesh told CBC News: “As a chief, and as leaders here in our community, we don’t want to lose any youth. We don’t want to lose any members here in our community.

“It hasn’t been easy to be strong and stay positive because I keep thinking about our young people.”

Chief Bruce Shisheesh
Chief Bruce Shisheesh says it’s been difficult, but he’s trying to manage as his community of Attawapiskat on the James Bay Coast deals with a surge in suicide attempts. (CBC)

As Tuesday unfolds, the community will hold meetings on suicide prevention and talk about a long-term solution to the problems.

Culp said more help, including a traditional healer, another doctor and a nurse, is arriving in the community.

Reserve police are working round the clock, watching to ensure everybody stays safe.

Meanwhile, counsellors are brainstorming ways to help encourage youth in Attawapiskat.

Some of the ideas include developing a drug strategy and hosting more activities for young people.

Hookimaw said a lot of her friends need support.

“I just tell them that people do care and people do love you.”

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Mental health counsellors are brainstorming ways to help encourage youth in Attawapiskat. Some of the ideas include developing a drug strategy and hosting more activities for young people. (CBC)

With files from Olivia Stefanovich

SOURCE

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A number of youths testified at the inquest of First Nations students who died while attending school in Thunder Bay. Shane Monague walks about his experience

Building Infrastructure: The Legal Framework for Canada’s Push

Canada’s infrastructure industry is poised to benefit from the coming increase in federal stimulus spending. But lawyers should also be aware of new trade agreements, recent court decisions and ethical bidding practices

By Sheldon Gordon, reposted from Lexpert Magazine, Apr 11, 2016

Transit. Roads. Waste-water plants. Clean energy. These are what the Trudeau government promises to fund in the largest new public infrastructure program in Canadian history. During the federal election campaign, the Liberals pledged to nearly double federal infrastructure expenditures to almost $125 billion – from the existing $65 billion – over the next decade.

The coming federal building boom ranks as the biggest headline for engineering and construction firms, private investors and lenders — and the infrastructure Bar. But it’s not the only big story for them. New trade agreements that Canada has negotiated (but not yet ratified), important judicial rulings and an increased emphasis on ethical bidding practices are also developments for Canada’s infrastructure industry to heed.

The P3 asset class The City of Regina’s new sewage treatment plant, expected to be up and running by December 2016, typifies the new face of infrastructure procurement in Canada. The municipal project, which has a capital cost of $181 million, is funded in part by a $58.5-million grant from the federal government’s P3 Canada Fund. The private sector is responsible for designing, building, financing, operating and maintaining (DBFOM) the new plant over a 30-year period.

The Regina project is an example of two of the most important recent developments in infrastructure procurement: the broadening of the asset class to which the public-private partnership (P3) model is being applied, and the enlargement of public-sector participants employing the P3 model to include the federal and municipal levels.

In recent years, P3 infrastructure, once largely confined to Ontario hospitals and to roads across the country, has expanded to include waste-water treatment plants, LRT projects and even power projects such as BC Hydro’s John Hart Generating Station Replacement project on Vancouver Island and Alberta’s Fort McMurray West 500 kV Transmission Project.

Not everyone is enamoured of the P3 model. In December 2014, the Auditor General of Ontario issued a report suggesting that traditional procurement of public infrastructure would be superior to P3 procurement if projects were simply managed better by government. However, a survey sponsored by The Canadian Council for Public-Private Partnerships (CCPPP) and conducted by Nanos Research in 2015 found that municipal and Aboriginal stakeholders who had experience with P3s were generally positive toward them.

“The infrastructure deficit is particularly acute in municipalities,” says Greg Southam, a partner at Davies Ward Phillips & Vineberg LLP in Toronto. “Most of the projects that have come aboard at the municipal level have been north of $150 million. That’s the minimum size that potential bidders want to see to get involved in these types of projects.”

The P3 Canada Fund, by providing upfront money to pay off projects’ short-term debt finance, is giving smaller hubs such as Moncton and Saint John, NB and Thunder Bay, Ont. the opportunity to procure assets they could not otherwise afford.

The federal dollars are spent in the construction phase, as milestone payments and completion payments. The city then funds the operating payments over 30 years, which is much more manageable given budgetary constraints. “But when the federal government comes in,” says Southam, “it also brings a structure so that you’re not reinventing the wheel each time. The investors want to know that there’s going to be a standardized process, and the federal folks provide that.”

The federal Minister of Infrastructure and Communities, Amarjeet Sohi, has been mandated by Prime Minister Trudeau to remove the mandatory P3 “screen” applied (since 2013) to infrastructure projects of $100 million or more for which a province or municipality seeks federal funding.

The purpose of removing the screen is to cut down on the lengthy approval process it necessitates. “In Sohi’s view,” says Catherine Doyle, a partner at Blake, Cassels & Graydon LLP in Toronto, “the screen needlessly delayed Edmonton’s LRT transit project by more than a year and took away from the municipality the ability to make its own decision on how it was going to procure the project.”

The federal Liberals are also committed to creating a Canada Infrastructure Bank (CIB) to assist municipalities with funding and financing, working with the financial community to provide low-cost financing, including loan guarantees. Sohi has said the CIB will be offering capital investments to municipalities as well.

For infrastructure lawyers, the new paradigm has required them to bring in sector-specific expertise, says Tobor Emakpor, a partner at Osler, Hoskin & Harcourt LLP in Toronto. “On an LRT project, you want to bring in your rail specialists and on a power procurement, your power specialists. But the basic contractual documentation typically follows the P3 template. Although the language may be different, the general principles are the same.”

New trade agreements

In the last few years, and especially in recent months, trade treaties have become increasingly important to infrastructure procurement in Canada. It recently negotiated the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with the European Union and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) with the Pacific Rim. It already adhered to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreement on Government Procurement.

“The trade agreements all mimic one another in how they regulate procurement,” says Judy Wilson, a partner at Blake, Cassels & Graydon LLP in Toronto. “If you’re an organization that has good competitive procurement processes, which most Canadian public-sector organizations do, it’s not going to affect fundamentally how you do your business.”

Says Wilson: “It’s going to affect you from a trade perspective, e.g., can you give extra points for local content? And if you can, how does it work and what sectors are excluded? But it’s not going to affect the fundamentals of your procurement — a fair, open, transparent process. Frankly, if you’re compliant with the Agreement on Internal Trade (AIT) in how you do your procurement, the odds are you’re going to be compliant across the board.”

Less prominent is the New West Partnership Trade Agreement (NWPTA) formed in 2010 among British Columbia, Alberta and Saskatchewan as Canada’s largest inter-provincial free trade zone. As of the summer of 2015, the NWPTA adopted a new bid protest mechanism on public procurement.

Under the previous mechanism, an aggrieved bidder had to persuade its own government to pursue a remedy against the sponsoring government. The new process allows a bidder to make a complaint directly against the sponsoring government. “It’s no longer up to the bidder’s government how far and how quickly the complaint is pursued,” says Karen Martin, a partner at Dentons Canada LLP in Vancouver.

“We have definitely seen a significant increase in the last few years of global players participating in the large infrastructure procurements in Canada,” says Martin. “It’s an interesting question as to whether that’s happening because of the trade agreements [or vice versa]. I suspect they’re very much related. If you’re a procurement lawyer who acts on the bidding side, it definitely means more clients for you.”

Infrastructure lawyers, however, will have to work more closely with trade lawyers, says Wilson. “There’s a much more integrated, team approach that has to happen now because trade rules, as they set procurement rules, begin to influence how you draft procurement documents.”

Recent case law

Foreign proponents face a uniquely Canadian system — a common-law regime different from other jurisdictions. In most procurements, the owner has implied contractual obligations to the bidders.

The Supreme Court of Canada has ruled that when an owner issues a tender document or an RFP, even before the bids are opened, the owner has a “Contract A” with each bidder, promising to conduct the process, and make its selection, based on the tender or RFP. The owner has an implied duty to be fair to all bidders. (In the law of tender, the contract between the owner and each bidder relating to the terms of the tender is known as “Contract A” and the contract for the actual construction is known as “Contract B.”)

Since the SCC’s 1981 ruling in R. (Ont.) v. Ron Engineering and Construction (Eastern) Ltd., what that duty of fairness actually means has been litigated in thousands of cases. A losing bidder will look carefully at how the owner conducted itself to see if there was a breach of Contract A.

More recently, the SCC issued a ruling that applied to commercial contracts generally but with relevance to procurement. Its 2014 decision in Bhasin v. Hrynew held that every commercial contract carries an implied duty on the parties to act in good faith toward each other. There is an implied duty not to lie or mislead.

“The ruling has caused ripples in many areas of commerce, including in the infrastructure and construction space,” says Martin. “Often when we have a dispute in an infrastructure project, there’s an allegation of a breach of this duty of implied good faith.”

Wilson, though, says the case is unlikely to hurt infrastructure disproportionately. “I think when you work with a lot of public-sector entities, it is part of what they assume must govern their dealings. We have always carried a duty of good faith provision in infrastructure contracts, but [lately] there has been some tweaking of the documents. Does the language you’ve used with respect to the duty of good faith properly bring in the duty as you’ve drafted it?”

Another recent SCC decision focuses narrowly on the construction sector. In September 2015, in Stuart Olson Dominion Construction Ltd. v. Structal Heavy Steel, the high court held that a lien bond has no effect on the existence and application of trust remedies under provincial construction lien legislation. “The ruling will affect private projects more than public ones as the lien legislation across the country does not apply to all public projects,” says Jane Sidnell, a partner at Rose LLP in Calgary.

When an owner or contractor has liened on a construction project, the lien can be discharged by posting either cash or a bond. In the Stuart Olson case, a bond was posted. The issue was whether the contractor who posted the bond still had a trust obligation to the lien claimant. The SCC said the obligation existed, separate and apart from the lien bond.

A lien bond, the court ruled, does not extinguish an owner or contractor’s trust obligations under the statutory trust and does not amount to a “double payment.”

“I think we all knew this, but this case brought it into greater clarity,” says Sidnell. The case will likely affect how lien bonds are used and trust monies are handled by owners, contractors and sub-contractors (and advice given by construction lawyers).

Recent British case law, meanwhile, has boosted recognition in Canada that boilerplate exclusion clauses will not reduce exposure for consequential (i.e., indirect) damages in construction projects. “Do we have any recent decisions [in Canada] that are astounding? No,” says Sidnell. “But is this something on the verge of happening in a very significant way? Absolutely.”

Infrastructure lawyers have to be careful to cover off the risks of consequential damages, she says, “because relying on those old boilerplate clauses is not going to do the trick.” Parties often cite a contract’s blanket exclusion of consequential damages, not understanding that in fact that doesn’t exclude such eventualities as loss of profit, delay damages, increased production costs, overhead and the cost to remove defective equipment from a site.

“You wouldn’t want to enter into a contract that could take down your company,” Sidnell adds. “You may not want to do $50 worth of welding if you’re going to be sued for $500 million in the event you accidentally blow up the plant.”

In Québec, the Superior Court has upheld the Québec Ministry of Transport’s policy of disqualifying firms that contribute to the design or construction of a project from bidding on the contract to supervise the same project. In Roche ltée, groupe-conseil c. Procureur Général du Québec, the court ruled that Roche Consulting Group, having done the plans and designs for a highway, was legitimately excluded from bidding on the supervisory contract.

“Now, when a project comes out,” says Yvan Houle, a partner at the Montréal office of Borden Ladner Gervais LLP, “the engineering firms have to decide what they’re interested in doing, knowing that if they win the design phase, they won’t be eligible to do the supervision.”

Up until 2011, the Ministry’s tenders for road works would include bids for both design and supervision. “In hindsight, people saw that as a conflict of interest,” says Houle. “The same engineering firm that prepared the specifications could be supervising the work carrying them out. If there were deficiencies in the specs, the engineers would point the finger at the contractor, saying it was an execution rather than a design problem.”

In Ontario, the construction industry is awaiting possible changes to the Construction Lien Act, which has been under review by an expert panel for the past year. Its recommendations, which were to be presented at the end of March, could well resonate in other provinces, says Glenn Ackerley, a partner atWeirFoulds LLP in Toronto.

He says the expert panel recognizes that there’s a strong desire from the trade contractors for prompt payment legislation. “But at the same time they’re balancing the interests of others in the industry with that. The issue of timely payment will be addressed in some form. Does that mean statutory payment periods? Yes, perhaps, but with exceptions for certain types of projects. For example, statutory prescription may not apply to home renovations.”

Currently, the Construction Lien Act requires a 10 per cent hold-back of payments all along the contracts chain. The experts may urge that the release of hold-backs become mandatory on the expiry of lien rights. While sub-contractors would be pleased, says Ackerley, “on the owner’s side it would mean more attention would have to be paid to alternative arrangements. What money retention regime would they have to use as an alternative for enforcing warranty work and correcting problems if they don’t have the hold-back available to do that? So in some ways, it would solve one problem but create another.”

Ethical bidding practices

Proponents now have to contend with an increased emphasis on ethical practices in public procurement in Canada. “In the past, governments were much more concerned with price and getting things built,” says Doyle at Blakes. “Governments across Canada now want to know that private-sector bidders have sufficient integrity. And that the tendering processes incorporate best practices in respect of ethical bidding.”

In November 2015, Québec’s Charbonneau Commission issued its final report, making 60 recommendations to combat corruption and collusion in the province’s construction industry. Even before the inquiry’s work was completed, the Québec government in 2013 adopted the Integrity in Public Contracts Act, which requires that any company wishing to obtain a public contract be specifically approved by the Autorité des marchés financiers (AMF).

The approval process involves considerable corporate disclosure, including whether officers and directors have been found guilty of any offences. The AMF can refuse to authorize a company to bid on a public contract if it concludes that the company has failed to meet “the high standards of integrity that the public is entitled to expect.”

The province was responding in part to revelations that SNC-Lavalin Group Inc. officials allegedly paid bribes of $22.5 million to two of the McGill University Health Centre’s former executives to ensure that SNC won the $1.4-billion contract. In total, eight people were charged in what police called the biggest construction fraud in Canadian history.

Québec, however, was not unique in facing ethical issues in infrastructure procurement. In Toronto, St. Michael’s Hospital was mired in a conflict-of-interest scandal in September 2015 when it was revealed that one of the hospital executives evaluating potential bidders for a $300-million construction project was involved at the same time in a private real estate venture with the builder that eventually won the contract. That raised concerns about the integrity of the procurement process.

“Québec was the first to act,” says Doyle, “and they are a forerunner of what you’re going to see in the rest of the country.” Other provinces have included in their RFPs, on a project-by-project basis, requirements for companies to have sufficient policies and procedures to ensure ethical bidding.

Governments are not simply accepting bidders’ policies at face value, says Doyle. They are asking bidders to certify that they’re compliant with these policies. “In certain circumstances, third-party advisors may be asked to audit those policies. It’s still early days, but the public sector is going a bit further than just talking the talk. It’s a live issue as to how to actually validate what private-sector participants are saying they do.”

At the federal level, the former Harper government last July instituted its Integrity Regime for procurement and real estate transactions. Under the much-criticized integrity “Framework” previously in effect, a supplier faced automatic “debarment” for 10 years if convicted of any of several Canadian or similar foreign offences.

Debarment could cost a vendor millions of dollars’ worth of existing or future federal contracts, regardless of mitigating circumstances and with no opportunity to atone for its sins. With the new Federal Integrity Regime, flexibility has been introduced to ease some of the Framework’s harsher terms.

The retroactive application of the Framework has been dropped. The new regime applies only to future contracts, not existing ones. The debarment period can be reduced by up to five years if a supplier shows that it has cooperated with law-enforcement authorities or addressed the causes of misconduct. To determine whether a supplier should be deemed ineligible due to a foreign conviction, Ottawa will now assess how similar the foreign conviction is to a listed offence within Canada.

SNC-Lavalin confirmed in December 2015 that it has signed an administrative agreement with Public Services and Procurement under the new Integrity Regime, which allows companies with charges pending to continue with existing contracts and bid on future work with the federal government. As part of the deal, the company must adhere to strict conditions and third-party oversight of its business practices. The agreement was the first reached under the new regime.

Pension Funds

Most funds are reluctant to directly finance Canadian infrastructure projects, except in Québec

Canadian pension funds such as OMERS and the Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan have not shown much interest in directly financing Canadian infrastructure projects. That reluctance seems likely to be even greater toward municipal infrastructure. Greg Southam, a partner at Davies Ward Phillips & Vineberg LLP in Toronto, says “$15-million [worth of equity] isn’t a big enough cheque for the pension funds to write. They’d rather write a $500-million cheque for an infrastructure fund.”

One notable exception is the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, which is not only investing in Canadian infrastructure but, with the passage of Bill 38 in June 2015, has been able to act as ProjectCo through a wholly owned subsidiary called CDPQ Infra. Its first two projects are in Montréal: the LRT system on the new Champlain Bridge to the South Shore and the LRT linking the West Island, Trudeau Airport and downtown Montréal.

“The Caisse is saying they have substantial experience in investing in similar projects throughout the world,” says Yvan Houle, a partner at Borden Ladner Gervais LLP in Montréal. “They’re leveraging that experience and they’re quite confident they can run these projects efficiently as a designer, builder and operator rather than just as an investor. But CDPQ Infra will have to bid against other consortia for projects. I suspect other pension funds in Canada will want to see how things play out before they consider jumping into that arena.”

Lawyer(s):

The Quebec Premier just slammed future oil exploration in his province

Quebec Premier Philippe Couillard
Quebec Premier Philippe Couillard

Quebec Premier Philippe Couillard has ridiculed the prospects of future fossil fuel development in his province as it pursues efforts to transform into a carbon-free economy.

“The future of Quebec does not rest on fossil fuels,” Couillard said in an interview published this weekend in Montreal daily newspaper, La Presse.

Couillard made the comments after his government unveiled a new energy strategy [see below] last Thursday that proposed to reduce oil consumption by 40 per cent in Quebec by 2030. The energy strategy would also support more energy conservation in the province and would include new legislation to support the ongoing transformation to a low-carbon economy.

While some Quebecers have suggested that the province can get rich by starting new fracking and oil exploration in the eastern part of the province, Couillard joked during his conversation with the newspaper’s editorial board that some deposits in that region would have enough gas for “23 days of consumption in Quebec.”

Last week, Quebec Energy Minister Pierre Arcand told National Observer that the province was aiming to boost its renewable energy generating capacity and electrify its transportation fleet. The province is aiming to have 100,000 electric cars on its roads by 2020 and plans to build on an existing 800 electric charging stations across its territory. The government also announced major investments in electric train and metro expansion in Montreal last week.

Couillard told La Presse’s editorial board that the province’s future was linked to water and its state-owned utility company, Hydro Quebec, which largely supplies hydroelectric power.

“We’ll remake Hydro Quebec, into an amazing economic engine for Quebec,” Couillard told the newspaper.

He also criticized proponents of a new oil exploration project on Ile Anticosti - an island in the Gulf of Saint Lawrence, on the Atlantic coast. The former Parti Québécois government signed a contract, reportedly worth up to $100 million, with energy company, Petrolia, to explore for oil on the island.

Couillard has said that Quebec is forced to proceed with the contract, but he expressed concerns about authorizing drilling and fracking activity - injecting high pressure liquids to fracture rocks beneath the surface. He said the company would only be allowed to proceed if the provincial environment department determines it is safe, the CBC reported in March

But he was skeptical about whether it made environmental or economic sense to proceed, noting that there isn’t adequate infrastructure to export any oil from the island.

“Those who think we’ll get rich with oil are mistaken. There are simply not the resources that some have suggested,” Couillard told La Presse. “We’re talking about (needing) billions of dollars in infrastructure to get the resource out of there (Anticosti Island.) No one is asking how we will do it. By helicopter, by levitation, by teleportation? Setting aside the environmental concerns, this project is excessively (and) economically fragile.”

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New Democrats Say Goodbye to Mulcair, Vote for Leadership Change

Time for renewal and to ‘let the membership lead,’ says young NDPer.

Tom Mulcair
‘The only thing that is important is that we leave here united,’ Tom Mulcair told NDP delegates Saturday. Photo by Joshua Berson.

By Samantha Power, reposted from TheTyee, Apr 10, 2016

New Democrats have said goodbye to leader Tom Mulcair, choosing to seek new leadership for the party in a decisive vote at this weekend’s convention in Edmonton. Mulcair will continue as leader until a new one is chosen.

“Let’s work together to choose the best person to take our project forward,” Mulcair said in an address to the crowd after the votes were counted.

Delegates voted 52 per cent in favour of a holding a leadership race. They also voted to extend the timeline for the race from 12 months to 24, giving a new party executive time to plan the process.

In his final speech, Mulcair indicated he would stay on “for the next year, year and a bit.”

“There is a lot of hope and optimism,” he said after the vote. “As we said at the outset and it is still the case now… the only thing that is important is that we leave here united.”

Mulcair addressed the crowd with new party president Marit Stiles, saying that it’s clear the disappointment of the 2015 federal campaign will not be left behind without a change at the helm.

The NDP convention offered a chance for much reflection on the disastrous 2015 campaign and talk of the need for renewal. Still, the low vote for Mulcair came as a shock to some.

“I knew Tom had a challenge ahead of him, but I did not think that we would get below 60 per cent for him,” said Allyson Marsh, a delegate from Halifax.

But today’s vote showed that for many party members, renewal has to come with a new leader.

“Tom had a unique opportunity for the federal New Democrats, and we absolutely derailed,” said Jason Rockwell, a delegate from Alberta.

Taking responsibility not enough

Prior to the vote on Mulcair’s leadership, a number of New Democrats told the Tyee they wanted to see an admission of responsibility for what went wrong in the federal campaign.

“I need to see a recognition that it is time for generational and party renewal,” said Stefan Avlijas, outgoing secretary and policy director for the federal youth council, before the vote. “And we need an apology.”

Mulcair’s pre-vote speech reiterated his commitment to the progressive values of the New Democrats and included a one-line apology. “We made mistakes, and for that I take responsibility,” he said.

In that speech, Mulcair also spoke about the need to increase corporate taxes, stand against trade deals that give away jobs, stand up for indigenous issues and work to end violence against women. Several points received standing ovations and rounds of applause.

But for many delegates, it was not enough.

“He could have come here and changed my mind, but I have not seen him engaging with members,” said Mimi Williams, the Alberta co-chair for Mulcair’s leadership campaign in 2012. “He has a bad credibility problem. I don’t believe we can reclaim that ground with this leader.”

A loosely coordinated campaign emerged during convention that encouraged members to vote to “renew the party for 2019” and vote yes for a leadership review.

“Ultimately I’m expecting he’ll come out with this big progressive vision,” said Julia Maksymetz, former co-president of NDP Concordia who was critical of Mulcair’s leadership early on. “It’s hard to believe that it’s really what he stands for.”

Still, the ousting of Mulcair did not stop New Democrats from taking to social media to thank the leader for his service.

“Tom deserves the gratitude of every progressive Canadian. For without Tom’s powerful performance as leader of the opposition, Harper would still be prime minister,” said Michael Byers, the UBC professor of international law who helped manage Mulcair’s campaign to become NDP leader in 2012.

Youth call for renewal

Delegates spent much of convention discussing how the federal campaign was disconnected from the grassroots, and how many regional issues had not been adequately acknowledged.

Some divisions in the NDP came into sharp focus as well, with much of the convention debate centred around the Leap Manifesto, a sweeping climate change action plan.

While a number of high-profile progressives have endorsed the Leap, including Avi Lewis, Canadian Labour Congress President Hassan Yussuff, and author Thomas King, many Alberta New Democrats remain opposed.

In addition, many young New Democrats felt unheard and unsupported in their campaign efforts.

At a forum on the campaign review Friday night, young members stood to call out the fact that “youth” appeared only once in the review document itself, arguing that many of their concerns had not been recognized.

Maksymetz had issued a joint open letter with NDP McGill calling for a leadership review in March.

“Renewal means looking at the entire structure from the ground up and to let the membership lead, not just in the platform process but the policy process,” Avlijas told The Tyee.

For many delegates, new leadership is an opportunity to recommit to New Democrat values and create some energy in the party.

“This is an excellent opportunity to look forward to the future, to see what 2019 can really look like, evaluate where the Liberals shortcomings are and where we can provide genuine leadership,” Maksymetz said.

SOURCE

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Rachel Notley continued to push for pipelines during the 2016 NDP federal convention in Edmonton on Saturday amid debate over the so-called Leap Manifesto.
Rachel Notley continued to push for pipelines during the 2016 NDP federal convention in Edmonton on Saturday amid debate over the so-called Leap Manifesto. (Codie McLachlan/Canadian Press)

The Canadian Press, reposted from CBCNews, Apr 10, 2016

Federal New Democrats spurned the pleas of their Alberta brethren and signalled a desire to shift their party’s politics on Sunday by agreeing to explore the merits of a manifesto that calls for more drastic action to combat climate change.

Adoption of the principles of the Leap Manifesto came just hours before delegates to the NDP’s national convention voted to replace leader Tom Mulcair, who led the party to a disappointing third-place finish in last fall’s election on a moderate, centrist platform.

The manifesto advocates a swift end to the use of fossil fuels, including a moratorium on new infrastructure projects such as pipelines that perpetuate reliance on the non-renewable resources that contribute to climate change.

Spearheaded by documentary filmmaker Avi Lewis and his wife, anti-capitalism activist and author Naomi Klein, it declares Canada’s record on climate change thus far to be “a crime against humanity’s future.” And it calls for “energy democracy” in which communities collectively control future renewable energy sources, rather than “profit-gouging” corporations.

What about Alberta?

On Saturday, Alberta’s NDP premier, Rachel Notley, pleaded with New Democrats to understand that thousands of families in her province depend on natural resources for their living, and need a pipeline and support for the oil and gas sector to maintain their quality of life — even while working to improve the environment.

The resolution adopted Sunday was watered down somewhat in an apparent bid to soften the blow to the party in Alberta.

It recognizes the manifesto as “a high-level statement of principles that speaks to the aspirations, history and values of the party.” But it also stipulates that specific policies advocated in the manifesto “can and should be debated and modified on their own merits and according to the needs of various communities and all parts of Canada.”

TIFF 201508205
Husband-and-wife team Naomi Klein and Avi Lewis are two of the biggest names backing the Leap Manifesto, which calls for more drastic action to combat climate change. (Aaron Vincent Elkaim/Canadian Press)

Grassroots New Democrats are to debate the policies that will flow from the manifesto as part of the run-up to the party’s next policy convention in 2018.

Lewis stressed on the floor of the convention Sunday that the manifesto is not designed to be inconsiderate of those who work in the oil and gas industry.

“We recognize the pain and wrenching anxiety of tens of thousands of families in this great province of Alberta who are hurting because Big Oil wanted their labour in the boom and then bailed on them in the bust, which is precisely why the Leap Manifesto calls for training and resources for fossil-fuel workers,” he said.

“In fact, it insists that a transition to a clean-energy economy must be led by a democratic participation of the workers themselves.”

‘Symbols not policy’

But Gill McGowan, president of the Alberta Federation of Labour, spoke against the resolution. While he was reluctant to oppose it, he said the manifesto could be turned into a dangerous political symbol that could be used by opponents in the province.

“When I first read the Leap Manifesto, I was excited because it reflected a lot of the things that I’ve been thinking about in terms of policy and politics,” he said. “However, in politics, sometimes things become symbols and not policy and I’m afraid that’s what is happening with the Leap document.”

NDP CONVENTION 20160410
Tom Mulcair casts his vote for the party leadership during the NDP federal convention in Edmonton on Sunday. Delegates voted 52 per cent in favour of holding a leadership vote, meaning Mulcair will soon be replaced. (Jason Franson/Canadian Press)

Indeed, just moments after delegates passed the resolution, Wildrose Leader Brian Jean took to Twitter to mock Notley’s inability to persuade her own party on the need for pipelines.

“Premier Notley fails to get ‘social license’ for pipelines — from the #NDP,” he tweeted. “Disappointing.”

Among other things, the manifesto calls for:

  • Moving away from fossil fuels so that Canada gets 100 per cent of its electricity from renewable resources within 20 years and is entirely weaned off fossil fuels by 2050;
  • No new infrastructure projects aimed at increasing extraction of non-renewable resources, including pipelines;
  • An end to all trade deals “that interfere with our attempts to rebuild local economies, regulate corporations and stop damaging extractive projects”;
  • Expand low-carbon sectors of the economy, such as caregiving, teaching, social work, the arts and public-interest media;
  • End fossil fuel subsidies, impose financial transaction taxes, increase resource royalties, hike taxes on corporations and the wealthy, introduce a progressive carbon tax, and cut military spending.

SOURCE

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