Take Action! Trudeau offers an e-mail address to hear from you on the TPP

TPP

By Brent Patterson, reposted from Canadians.org, Dec 28, 2015

On Oct. 5, during this past federal election, Justin Trudeau issued a statement on the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) promising, “If the Liberal Party of Canada earns the honour of forming a government after October 19th, we will hold a full and open public debate in Parliament to ensure Canadians are consulted on this historic trade agreement.”

The Council of Canadians has stated that this should mean a full public review including a comprehensive and independent analysis of the TPP text by the Parliamentary Budget Officer (that would assess the deal’s impact on human rights, health, employment, environment and democracy), public hearings in each province and territory, and separate and meaningful consultations with First Nations. The Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives has highlighted that, “[Trudeau should also inform] TPP partner countries Canada cannot be bound by the agreement as negotiated, and that public input could result in Canadian demands for changes.”

The Globe and Mail editorial board has additionally commented, “If [trade minister Chrystia] Freeland and her party are serious about making sure Canadians understand its implications, they will have to give Parliamentary committees the time and resources to go over it section by section and hear testimony from neutral experts. Parliament will have to report back to Canadians in plain language about what they are getting and what they are giving up. And then the government will have to make an argument for ratification, or demand further negotiations to protect Canada’s interests.”

What we are getting so far from the Liberal government is quite different.

A not-widely publicized Government of Canada web-page has posted the line, “Canadians are invited to visit this page frequently for consultations activities and regular updates. You can also send your comments at any time via email: [email protected].”

The “TPP consultations” noted on the website appear to only include the trade minister having met with ten provincial and territorial governments, including BC Premier Christy Clark; government representatives from New Zealand, Mexico, Malaysia, Peru, Chile and Australia; industry groups including the Canadian Generic Pharmaceutical Association, the Auto Parts Manufacturers Association, the “Canadian supply-managed sector” and “Canadian business leaders”; and from civil society, only the Canadian Labour Congress, Unifor, and “leaders from academia”.

Non-governmental organizations and First Nations are conspicuously absent from the list of those being consulted.

With respect to their promise to “ensure Canadians are consulted”, they have only provided the e-mail address. And on that front, iPolitics writer BJ Siekierski notes, “The Global Affairs Canada website provides an email address and invites comments from the public on TPP, but doesn’t give a deadline or say what it plans to do with them.”

He also comments, “One possibility would be for the Liberals to do something similar to what the European Commission did for their public consultation on investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) in their ongoing trade negotiations with the U.S. That consultation lasted between March 27 and July 13, 2014, attracted 150,000 responses, and resulted in a report summarizing the findings last January.” Siekierski suggests the results of that consultation were skewed by NGOs that mobilized the public presumably because 97 per cent of the respondents were opposed to the ISDS provision in the proposed agreement.

In terms of a timeline, we know this: It is expected that the Trans-Pacific Partnership will be signed by all countries – including Canada – at a ceremony on February 4, 2016 in New Zealand. Canada’s trade minister has said that Canada will sign the agreement, but that does not necessarily mean it will ratify the deal. News reports from the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit last month noted, “Leaders [from the twelve TPP countries] agreed on a two-year period for each country’s parliament to approve the deal, meaning it will likely come into force in 2018.”

The United States is a key country in the TPP agreement and while there had beenspeculation that the US Congress could vote on the deal in the spring of 2016, it nowappears that the ratification process will not begin until sometime in early 2017, after the November 2016 presidential election. It also appears that the Canadian government will not move to ratify TPP until the situation in the US becomes clearer. Democratic front-runner Hillary Clinton has already expressed her opposition to the TPP and it would make little sense for the Liberals to expend political capital on a deal with tepid public support in Canada only to see it rejected by the new US president.

While the Trudeau government’s consultation process hardly qualifies as a consultation process, please do send your comments on the Trans-Pacific Partnership to [email protected].

For blogs and articles critical of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, please see our campaign web-page here. In particular, please note the following blogs that highlight our key areas of concern: What’s in the Trans-Pacific Partnership?, The investor-state dispute settlement provision in the Trans-Pacific Partnership, Trudeau must reject extended drug patent provisions in CETA and TPP, Council of Canadians opposes the entry of BGH milk into Canada through the Trans-Pacific Partnership, and Trans-Pacific Partnership would mean more temporary foreign workers.

SOURCE

The new Cold War? Russia sends troops and missiles to the Arctic as Putin stakes a claim for the region’s oil and gas reserves

Military strength: President Vladimir Putin (pictured) is stepping up his nation's presence in the Arctic Circle in an attempt to support claims to the region's valuable natural resources
Military strength: President Vladimir Putin (pictured) is stepping up his nation’s presence in the Arctic Circle in an attempt to support claims to the region’s valuable natural resources.
  • Russia, Norway, Denmark and Canada are fighting over the Arctic territory
  • Putin is building six bases in the Arctic, and sending troops and missiles
  • It’s estimated that billions of tonnes of oil and gas lie beneath the seabed
  • Experts warn it shows willingness to use a military threat to claim the land
  • See news on Russia and its Arctic claims at www.dailymail.co.uk/russia

Russia is beefing up its military presence in the Arctic, sending troops and missiles to strengthen its position in the competition for the region’s extensive oil and gas reserves.

As well as deploying advanced anti-aircraft missiles to the region, President Vladimir Putin is overseeing the completion of six new bases designed to see off foreign competition for the natural resources.

It is estimated that billions of tonnes of oil and gas lie beneath the seabed, which is currently disputed territory.

The Arctic is the only region in the world where borders remain unregulated, and Russia, Norway, Denmark and Canada have all made submissions to the U.N. claiming ownership of the Arctic seabed and its buried treasures.

Mr Putin’s long-term plan includes the construction of some 13 airfields and 10 radar posts in the Arctic, whose assets also include thriving fisheries.

‘The Arctic has a strategic importance for Russia because of its significant reserves of oil and gas,’ Igor Korotchenko, editor of the Moscow-based journal National Defence, told The Times.

‘The conditions are very tough, especially in winter, so these new bases will allow Russian troops to be located there all year, and to control the airspace for hundreds of kilometres around.’

Already, some 150 Russian troops are reported to be seeing in the New Year in the Arctic Trefoil base, which is on the Russian island of Alexandra Land in the heart of the Arctic Circle.

Competition: Russia, Norway, Denmark and Canada have all made submissions to the U.N. claiming ownership of the Arctic seabed and its estimated billions of tonnes of oil and gas. Pictured, a drilling rig at the Val Gamburtseva oil fields in Russia's Arctic Far North
Competition: Russia, Norway, Denmark and Canada have all made submissions to the U.N. claiming ownership of the Arctic seabed and its estimated billions of tonnes of oil and gas. Pictured, a drilling rig at the Val Gamburtseva oil fields in Russia’s Arctic Far North
Claim: The Arctic Circle is the only region in the world where borders remain unregulated, which is sparking international tension over its valuable resources. Pictured, a drilling rig at the Val Gamburtseva oil fields in Russia's Arctic Far North
Claim: The Arctic Circle is the only region in the world where borders remain unregulated, which is sparking international tension over its valuable resources. Pictured, a drilling rig at the Val Gamburtseva oil fields in Russia’s Arctic Far North

Russian’s defence ministry also announced this month that advanced S-400 air defence missiles are being established on the Novaya Zemlya archipelago and at the Arctic port of Tiksi.

The other five military bases, which are nearing completion, are on Kotelny Island in the New Siberian islands, Sredny Island in the Severnaya Zemlya archipelago, the Rogachevo settlement on Novaya Zemlya, and Wrangel Island and Cape Schmidt on the Chukotka peninsula.

Russia’s force also includes the warships and nuclear-powered submarines of the northern fleet based on the Kola peninsula, two units of mechanised infantry, snowmobiles and hovercraft.

Experts warned that this indicates that Russia is determined to use its military force, or the threat of military force, to insert itself in the ‘competition’ for resources.

But Russia is not the only nation to have stepped up its military designs on the Arctic.

Force: Vladimir Putin’s plan includes the construction of some 13 airfields and 10 radar posts in the Arctic, whose assets also include thriving fisheries. Pictured, Vladimir Putin on a visit to Alexandra Land in 2010
Force: Vladimir Putin’s plan includes the construction of some 13 airfields and 10 radar posts in the Arctic, whose assets also include thriving fisheries. Pictured, Vladimir Putin on a visit to Alexandra Land in 2010

British and American submarines have recently been located in the Arctic Ocean, while Canada has also increased its military presence and President Obama has proposed to launch the U.S. icebreaker fleet.

The Arctic seabed is so vitally important to the competing nations due to an estimated 90billion barrels of oil that lie beneath it.

The region is also said to be home to around 30 per cent of the world’s as-yet undiscovered natural gas.

The U.N. is expected to review Russia’s claim to the land, which insists two underwater ledges reaching towards the North Pole belong to its continental shelf, in February. SOURCE

 

WIND, SOLAR POWER SOAR IN SPITE OF BARGAIN PRICES FOR FOSSIL FUELS

Cattle graze in a pasture against a backdrop of wind turbines which are part of the 155 turbine Smoky Hill Wind Farm near Vesper, Kan. (Charlie Riedel/AP)

By Joby Warrick, reposted from the Washington Post, Dec 31, 2015

In normal times, a months-long slide in energy prices would be enough to rattle a man who makes wind turbines for a living. Yet amid a worldwide glut of cheap fossil fuels, business is blowing strong for Vestas Wind Systems and its CEO, Anders Runevad.

The company posted record gains in 2015 and inked major deals to build wind farms in the United States, Europe, Africa and Asia. That boom in turbine sales was part of a global surge for wind and solar energy, which occurred despite oil, coal and natural gas selling at bargain rates.

“We’re seeing very good momentum across the board globally,” said Runevad, a soft-spoken Swede whose firm is now the world’s biggest producer of wind turbines. “We’re seeing growth in every region.”

Vestas’s performance is emblematic of the changing fortunes for renewable energy, an industry that achieved a number of milestones this year.Massive new projects are under construction from China and India to Texas, which now far outpaces California as the nation’s leading wind-power state. Just this month, the United States crossed the 70-gigawatt threshold in wind-generated electricity, with 50,000 spinning turbines producing enough power to light up 19 million homes.

Energy analysts say the boom is being spurred in part by improved technology, which has made wind and solar more competitive with fossil fuels in many regions. But equally important, experts say, are new government policies here and abroad that favor investment in renewables, as well as a growing willingness by Wall Street to pour billions of dollars into projects once considered financially risky.

Paris Fails to Revive the Nuclear Dream

Reactor at Qinshan: Many experts doubt that China can go far to meeting its needs with nuclear power. Photo credit: Atomic Energy of Canada Limited
Reactor at Qinshan: Many experts doubt that China can go far to meeting its needs with nuclear power. Photo credit: Atomic Energy of Canada Limited

By Paul Brown, Climate News Network, reposted from EcoWatch, Dec31, 2015

In Paris, in early December, the advocates of nuclear power made yet another appeal to world leaders to adopt their technology as central to saving the planet from dangerous climate change.

Yet analysis of the plans of 195 governments that signed up to the Paris agreement, each with their own individual schemes on how to reduce national carbon emissions, show that nearly all of them exclude nuclear power.

Only a few big players—China, Russia, India, South Korea and the United Kingdom—still want an extensive program of new–build reactors.

To try to understand why this is so the U.S.-based Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists asked eight experts in the field to look at the future of nuclear power in the context of climate change.

One believed that large-scale new-build nuclear power “could and should” be used to combat climate change and another thought nuclear could play a role, although a small one. The rest thought new nuclear stations were too expensive, too slow to construct and had too many inherent disadvantages to compete with renewables.

Industry in Distress

Amory Lovins, co-founder and chief scientist of the Rocky Mountain Institute, produced a devastating analysis saying that the slow-motion decline of the nuclear industry was simply down to the lack of a business case.

The average nuclear reactor, he wrote, was now 29 years old and the percentage of global electricity generated continued to fall from a peak of 17.6 percent in 1996 to 10.8 percent in 2014. “Financial distress stalks the industry,” wrote Lovins.

Lovins says nuclear power now costs several times more than wind or solar energy and is so far behind in cost and building time that it could never catch up.

The full details of what he and other experts said are on the Bulletin’s site, with some of their comments below.

Professor Jeff Terry, of the physics department at Illinois Institute of Technology, was the greatest enthusiast for new nuclear build: “Nuclear energy is a reliable, low carbon dioxide source of electricity that can and should be used to combat climate change.”

“China, India, Russia and South Korea are all building nuclear plants both at home and in other countries. Therefore, nuclear energy will continue to play a role in mitigating the effects of climate change for the next 80 years,” Terry said.

Too Slow

“Why are these countries turning to nuclear energy? Mainly due to the versatility and stability of nuclear generation. Nuclear power has the highest capacity factor of any low carbon dioxide-emitting power source.”

Another potential enthusiast was Seth Grae, president and CEO of the Lightbridge Corporation, who believes light water nuclear reactors “must increase globally” if the world is to reach the goals of the Paris Agreement.

However, new technologies that could have a major impact on decarbonizing global electricity generation, including advances such as grid-level electricity storage, more efficient wind turbines and new types of nuclear reactors, are not being developed fast enough, he argues.

“Unfortunately, these technologies are not economically competitive enough for utilities to deploy at a large enough scale to prevent catastrophic climate change,” Grae writes. ”Sufficient improvement in economic competitiveness might not be achieved in time to prevent the worst effects of climate change.”

M.V. Ramana, of the Nuclear Futures Laboratory and the Program on Science and Global Security at Princeton University, was dismissive. “There are still some who hope that nuclear power will magically undergo a massive expansion within a relatively short period of time.”

”The evidence so far suggests that this is a false hope, one that is best abandoned if we are to deal with climate change with the seriousness the problem demands.”

Peter Bradford, adjunct professor at Vermont Law School and former Nuclear Regulatory Commission member, agreed: “Climate change, so urgent and so seemingly intractable, has become the last refuge of nuclear charlatans throughout the Western world.”

He said James Hansen, perhaps the most visible of the climate scientists who advocate heavy reliance on breeder or other innovative reactor designs, did so without paying any attention to their track record of long and costly failure.

Hui Zhang, physicist and senior research associate at Harvard Kennedy School’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, said China had a big program to build nuclear power stations. But they currently generated only 1 percent of the nation’s huge electricity needs and even if the target of 110 power reactors by 2030 were achieved, they would produce only 5 percent.

“While a fleet of nuclear reactors with 130 GWe by 2030 would represent a substantial expansion (more than four times China’s current capacity of 30 GWe and more than the current U.S. capacity of about 100 GWe), it would account for only 5 percent of total energy use in the country and would constitute just one quarter of the non-fossil energy needed,” Zhang said.

“In practice, the total energy use will likely be higher than the planned cap, so the share of nuclear power in the overall energy mix would be even less.

“Eventually, nuclear power is important if China is to address concerns about air pollution and climate change, but it is only one piece of a huge puzzle.”

SOURCE

During Paris Climate Summit, Obama Signed Exxon-, Koch-Backed Bill Expediting Pipeline Permits

Photo Credit: Shutterstock | pan demin

By Steve Horn, reposted from DeSmogBlog, Dec 31, 2015

Just over a week before the U.S. signed the Paris climate agreement at the conclusion of the COP21 United Nations summit, President Barack Obama signed a bill into law with a provision that expedites permitting of oil and gas pipelines in the United States.

The legal and conceptual framework for the fast-tracking provision on pipeline permitting arose during the fight over TransCanada’s Keystone XL tar sands pipeline. President Barack Obama initially codified that concept via Executive Order 13604 — signed the same day as he signed an Executive Order to fast-track construction of Keystone XL‘s southern leg — and this provision “builds on the permit streamlining project launched by” Obama according to corporate law firm Holland & Knight.

That 60-page streamlining provision falls on page 1,141 of the broader 1,301-page FAST (Fixing America’s Surface Transportation) Act (H.R. 22 and S. 1647), known in policy wonk circles as the highway bill. The provision is located in a section titled, “Federal Permitting Improvement.”

Explaining what types of projects the provision cover, the bill reads,

…any activity in the United States that requires authorization or environmental review by a Federal agency involving construction of infrastructure for renewable or conventional energy production, electricity transmission, surface transportation, aviation, ports and waterways, water resource projects, broadband, pipelines, manufacturing, or any other sector as determined by a majority vote of the Council that is subject to [the National Environmental Policy Act] NEPA [and] is likely to require a total investment of more than $200,000,000.

The provision also sets a specific timeline as to how long environmental reviews should take, setting the limit to just under half a year.

It dictates that “any decision by an agency on an environmental review or authorization must be issued not later than 180 days after the date on which all information needed to complete the review or authorization (including any hearing that an agency holds on the matter) is in the possession of the agency.”

Further, the bill vastly shortens the number of years of the statute of limitations under which legal teams can bring NEPA lawsuits in Section 41003.

“The new legislation also includes litigation reforms that reduce the NEPA statute of limitations from six years to two years generally – and 150 days for transportation projects – and requires courts to consider the effects on jobs,” explains Holland & Knight in a blog post.

Legal scholars refer to NEPA as the “Magna Carta of environmental law,” somewhat akin to the First Amendment as it relates to free speech.

NEPA allows for a robust public commenting and public hearings period and environmental groups have argued on numerous instances in federal courts in recent years that the Obama Administration hasusurped the conventional NEPA process in order to green-light numerous tar sands pipelines built in the years since the Keystone XL debate began five years ago.

The bill further mandates that the Permitting Dashboard, which tracks streamlined projects’ progress under the legal auspices of Executive Order 13604, continue to exist on the website permits.performance.gov. It also creates a Federal Permitting Improvement Steering Council, which will have an executive director appointed by the president and consist of those working for executive agencies who deal with infrastructure project permitting as part of their day-to-day duties.

Exxon, Koch Lobbying

ExxonMobil, BP, Shell, America’s Natural Gas Alliance (ANGA), American Petroleum Institute (API), Koch Industries, U.S. Chamber of Commerce and many others lobbied for the FAST Act’s passage.

The highway bill subsection formerly sat as a stand-alone bill, the Federal Permitting Improvement Act of 2015 (S.280), sponsored by U.S. Sen. Rob Portman (R-OH). A review of the list of those who lobbied for that piece of legislation by DeSmog reveals that ExxonMobil, Shell, Anerican Association of Oil Pipelines (AAOP), the Gas Processors Association and others all pushed for its passage.

Campaign finance data reviewed by DeSmog shows that Portman, up for re-election in 2016, has received $483,900 from the oil, gas and utility industry sectors (individuals and PACs, combined) so far in the campaign cycle. Portman’s campaign donors overlap with those who lobbied for the bill such as ExxonMobil, API, ANGA, Koch Industries and Shell.

Chamber of Commerce Runs Show

When the highway bill provision passed, Portman issued a press release featuring quotes from high-ranking building trades union officials, the National Association of Manufacturers — and probably most importantly in this case, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.

Photo Credit: Wikimedia Commons

The U.S. business community also applauds the permit streamlining provisions included in the FAST Act to coordinate and speed up the review and approval of permitting for significant infrastructure and manufacturing projects,” U.S. Chamber of Commerce President and CEO Tom Donohue stated in the Portman press release. “Improving the permitting process to make our system swift but safe – one of the Chamber’s longstanding regulatory and legislative priorities – is essential for investment, development, and growth of the American economy.”

Portman has received more than any other candidate so far, to the tune of $10,000 so far during the election cycle, from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the Chamber lobbied for H.R. 22. His office did not respond to repeated requests for comment sent by DeSmog.

It also appears that the Chamber of Commerce spearheaded the submission of a multi-industry letter of support sent to U.S. Senate members on May 4. The May 4 letter has much of the same language, verbatim, as a March 3 letter submitted to the Senate by the Chamber.

Including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, 169 Chamber groups signed the May 4 letter, out of the 300 groups and companies signing on in total.

Metadata from the May 4 letter shows that Marc Freedman, executive director of Labor Law Policy and registered lobbyist for the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, authored it. Before coming to work at the Chamber, Freedman served as legal regulatory counsel for the U.S. Senate Small Business Committee.

The Chamber has played the long game on this legislation, beginning its push back in 2009 by creating the website “Project No Project,” which documents energy infrastructure projects held up by “NIMBY” (not in my backyard) activists on a state-by-state basis.

“These ‘Not In My Back Yard’ folks, or NIMBYs as they are called, block energy projects by organizing local opposition, changing zoning laws, opposing permits, filing lawsuits, and bleeding projects dry of their financing,” reads a website description from 2009. “Through Project No Project, the U.S. Chamber seeks to provide the cold, hard truth about NIMBY and radical environmental activism, and make our leaders finally pay attention to this growing problem.”

In March 2011, the Chamber followed up on the creation of the “Project No Project” website by releasing a report titled, “Progress Denied: A Study on the Potential Economic Impact of Permitting Challenges Facing Proposed Energy Projects.”

Years later, it appears, the Chamber has landed what it asked for: streamlining of domestic pipelines and energy infrastructure projects, enshrined by both congressional legislation and a presidential executive order.

GE, Obama Jobs Council

In his press release announcing the provision’s passage in the highway bill, Portman pointed out that the recommendation to streamline permitting for pipelines and other related energy infrastructure came not only from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce’s report, but also from President Obama’s 2011 Year-End Report published by his Jobs Council.

That report concluded that the U.S. government should go “all in” to expedite building pipelines and other fossil fuel-related projects:

The Council recognizes that providing access to more areas for drilling, mining and renewable energy development is controversial, but, given the current economic situation, we believe it’s necessary to tap America’s assets in a safe and responsible manner. Additionally, policies that facilitate the safe, thoughtful and timely development of pipeline, transmission and distribution projects are necessary to facilitate the delivery of America’s fuel and electricity and maintain the reliability of our nation’s energy system. Over the long term, we expect that innovation and technological advancements will greatly reduce America’s reliance on fossil fuels. Until then, however, we need to be all in.

That section of the report then ends on a thankful note:

Obama Streamline Pipeline Permits
Image Credit: White House Jobs Council

Jeffrey Immelt, Chairman and CEO of General Electric (GE), heads up the Jobs Council and in turn, GE has donated $6,000 so far to Portman’s U.S. Senate race run for office. GE also paid a legion of lobbyists to advocate for H.R. 22.

“Keystone-ization” Nullified?

Speaking to USA Today in May 2015, Martin Durbin — nephew of U.S. Sen. Dick Durbin (D-IL) and head lobbyist for the hydraulic fracturing (“fracking”) industry lobbying group ANGA — expressed his concern that gas pipeline projects could experience a Keystone XL redux.

“These are things that pipeline developers have had to deal with for a long time,” Durbin told USA Today. “But we’ve seen a change in the debate. I hesitate to put it this way, but call it the Keystone-ization of every pipeline project that’s out there, that if you can stop one permit, you can stop the development of fossil fuels. That’s changing the way we have to manage these projects.”

In the months that followed, ANGA, API (the two groups have since merged into a single entity) and several other oil and gas companies lobbied for and succeeded in making such a regulatory change, culminating in the passage of the FAST Act.

So is the age of “Keystone-ization” a done deal? Not everyone thinks so.

“Industry may get many things on its short-term wish list this political season, but the destruction of petrochemical NIMBY-ism as a whole is a pipe dream,” Ramsey Sprague, president of the Mobile Environmental Justice Action Coalition told DeSmog.

“Blockadia is rising. We are seeing more and more examples of frontline communities rising to exercise their agency over their collective futures in pursuit of environmental justice, and the season of decentralized environmental solidarity is only just beginning.”

SOURCE


 

Kumi Naidoo: ‘The struggle has never been about saving the planet’

Greenpeace still accused of colonialism but outgoing South African head has overseen move towards more people-focused, people-powered movement

Kumi Naidoo says the green movement could learn a lot from the struggle against apartheid. Photograph: Ted Aljibe/AFP/Getty Images

By and , reposted from The Guardian, Dec 31, 2015

When Kumi Naidoo was approached to be head of Greenpeace in 2009 he was 19 days into a hunger strike, in an effort to draw attention to the plight of millions of Zimbabweans facing severe food shortages. The head of a South African community group, he was in pain, on liquids, and getting weaker by the hour. It was not the best time to think about moving to Amsterdam to run the world’s most recognised environmental organisation.

But it took a threat from his 16-year-old daughter to persuade him to go for the job. “She said, ‘Dad, I won’t talk to you ever again if you do not consider it.’ Ten days later, still on liquids, I relented,” says Naidoo. “Yes, the head of Greenpeaceneeded a kick from his daughter. She is my fiercest critic.”

Naidoo is now at the end of his six-year stint as head of Greenpeace and is preparing to head home to his native South Africa. His tenure has brought a very different focus to the group that had traditionally paid little attention to broader, cross-cutting issues such as human rights, health, development, peace and security.

“The struggle has never been about saving the planet. The planet does not need saving. If we warm it up to the point where we cannot exist we’ll be gone, the planet will still be here,” he says. “It will be bruised and scarred by humanity’s crimes on it but actually once human beings become extinct, the forests will recover, the oceans will replenish. This struggle is fundamentally about whether humanity can fashion a way of mutually coexisting with nature and protecting our children and their children’s future.”

When Naidoo took the job he was known not as an environmentalist but as a child, and enemy, of apartheid. Brought up in a township in Durban, he was expelled from school as a teenager and threw himself into the anti-apartheid movement. Several years later, accused of violating the state of emergency through his civil disobedience, he was forced to leave South Africa and sought refuge in a scholarship at the University of Oxford.

As the first outsider and African to take the top job at Greenpeace, his appointment took on a symbolic resonance. He was seen as a man who could save the organisation from itself, build bridges and shape the international NGO into a people-focused, people-powered movement, rather than a heroic stalwart fighting on behalf of others.

Naidoo gives a thumbs up as he climbs the Prirazlomnaya oil platform and holds a banner reading ‘Don’t kill the Arctic’ in Russian, in the Pechora Sea, in 2012. Photograph: Denis Sinyakov/AP

“The one thing that we wanted to shift is the idea that Greenpeace is going to save the world, that our activists – brave and courageous as we are – will come in, do an action, enrage public opinion and then changes will happen,” he says, “Today we want to campaign together with people, break the idea that people can outsource their conscience to us.” He says the green movement could learn a lot from the struggle against apartheid. “One of the great mistakes of the environment movement was to frame the climate debate as one about environment.

“I was two weeks into the job in 2009 when the Copenhagen climate summit took place. I picked up the communique. I said, ‘This is a death warrant for most vulnerable people in the world. So why is there a lack of urgency – or is it because of the colour of the people who are facing the impacts?’ Why we won the battle against apartheid is because we built the broadest possible alliances.

“We have to give a voice to people on the frontline. I do not believe that people like us of privilege should be given the greatest voice. We have to put our struggle on a war footing. Change became possible in South Africa when people believed change was possible. Today more and more people believe we can make the transition [to a carbon-free economy]. We haven’t reached that tipping point yet.”

But becoming a people-focused movement has required some apologies. Greenpeace had become the bitter enemy of indigenous peoples in the Arctic for its unconditional stand against whaling – a small-scale but vital industry in Greenland – and its campaign against seal hunting in Canada. The group has since offered apologies to indigenous peoples and drawn a distinction between commercial whaling and that practised by the Inuit.

In recent years, Greenpeace has kept its target firmly fixed on the Arctic, building a campaign that has attracted the support of 7 million people worldwide, including celebrities from the model Kate Moss to the actor Judi Dench. In September, it celebrated the its most significant victory to date when Shell abandoned drilling operations in the region, at a cost of $4bn (£2.7bn) to the oil company.

The campaign has not been without sacrifice. In 2013, the Russian coastguard boarded Greenpeace’s ship in the Arctic and arrested its crew at gunpoint. The group of activists who were held in jail for two months became known as theArctic 30, with the fight for their freedom set to be dramatised on the big screenby Lord Puttnam. Naidoo does not regret the decision to push ahead with the campaign in Russia, although on this occasion he stayed behind.

“I made a judgment call that it was probably going to be OK, but obviously the politics in Russia had shifted by then. I didn’t think the Russian state would respond. As a famous American grandmother once said, if you’re going to make an omelette you’re going to have to break some eggs … The sacrifice they [the activists] made contributed to the whole world knowing the Arctic has to be protected.”

Naidoo flanked by Mohamed Aslaam (l), the minister of environmental affairs of the Maldives, and Bobby Peek, a South African environmental activist, at a demonstration during UN climate talks in Durban, in 2011. Photograph: Stephane de Sakutin/AFP/Getty Images

Naidoo is to now bring together the two great struggles of his lifetime. He is determined to take the clean energy fight to South Africa, where the government is pushing ahead with an $85bn plan to replace its coal economy with a new generation of nuclear plants. Naidoo has described the challenge as one of the most pressing since the end of apartheid. Greenpeace has had a longstanding anti-nuclear stance.

This is not the end of Greenpeace for Naidoo. He will return to becoming a volunteer, “the most precious and honourable title within Greenpeace”, he says. It is a role he held for three years before becoming director and one that he refused to abandon during his tenure at the top, taking annual leave to volunteer on actions. He grins; he clearly enjoyed the role. In 2011, he defied water cannon and a court injunction to scale the oil rig owned by the Scottish drilling company Cairn Energy. He was arrested and spent four nights in a prison in Greenland. Not to be deterred, the following year he boarded an oil rig 600 miles east of Murmansk, north-west Russia, carrying a banner that read “Save the Arctic!” in Russian. The experiences made him reflect on the organisation’s narrative and its relevance to the people 8,700 miles (14,000km) away in South Africa.

He recalls travelling on a ship with other activists to the rig. “I think they saw that I was looking a bit shit scared … I was thinking if I died here, most of the people back home in Africa where I come from won’t understand that slogan. I was discussing with my daughter and some of the kids in my family and they said, ‘Uncle Kumi, a better slogan would have been “Save Santa Claus Now”’ – because that’s the only connection that ordinary people have with that part of the world.”

So if Greenpeace is determined to become more people centric, why all the polar bears?

Naidoo slaps the table, and says: “It is wrong for humanity to think that we can live in a way that shows no regard to animal and plant species … I don’t think Greenpeace should walk away from that idea. The Arctic is the refrigerator of the planet. As an African you might wonder where I am here – it’s a bloody cold place for an African to go to, but it’s because of the critical role that the sea ice plays in climate regulation … it should be a wake-up call to our leaders.”

Naidoo’s time at the top of Greenpeace has been bookended by landmark climate change negotiations. He started the job weeks before the opening of the doomed talks in Copenhagen, where Greenpeace activists were arrested on the final night for gatecrashing a banquet held by the Queen for heads of state. At the UN climate change talks in Paris earlier this month, Naidoo used his weight to praise the leadership of low-lying states such as Kiribati and the Philippines – and to call out developed countries for a lack of it. Although optimistic about the landmark global deal that emerged, he says that a subtle form of racism – “climate apartheid” – is at play in international negotiations.

“If you look at the dominant demography of the parts of the world that carry the historical responsibility for the problem and the parts of the world that are paying the first and most brutal price, it’s a very uncomfortable demography,” he says. “In these negotiations we will not be having a debate about 1.5 or 2 degrees or 2050 or 2100 if Europe was facing sea level rise as the people in the Pacific islands … If you are brutally honest, subliminal racism is at play in these negotiations.”

Naidoo, when he was head of the Global Action Forum, gives a press conference in 2005, with Bono and Bob Geldof ahead of the Live 8 event – that coincided with the G8 summit in Gleneagles. Photograph: Odd Andersen/AFP/Getty Images

Yet Greenpeace still stands accused of cultural ignorance and colonialism. A year ago, the group again had to offer an apology after staging a protest on the Nazca lines in Peru, ancient geoglyphs considered sacred by many. Just weeks ago as world leaders arrived in Paris, thousands of people came out on to the cold streets of London for a march organised by a coalition of NGOs, including Greenpeace. A group representing indigenous people and those from countries in the global south have since claimed that they were pushed back from the front of the march, to be replaced by people in animal headgear and slogans such as #FortheLoveofSkiing.

“Neither the government nor the NGO liberal line will lead us to justice. This is a war of narratives and ours is ‘decolonial’,” activists from the Black Dissidents group said. Naidoo says that no Greenpeace activists were involved but accepts that all organisers share responsibility. He finds the complaints of indigenous peoples disturbing. “It was a conscious decision that we all made that the frontline communities, the people being impacted by climate change, would lead … I am surprised. I am still trying to find out the facts of what happened but I have to say it is something that distresses me a lot.”

There have also been accusations during his tenure of Greenpeace’s finances being in disarray. There was more pointed criticism of a senior executive being allowed to fly several times a month between his home in Luxembourg and group’s offices in Amsterdam. Naidoo defended the arrangement at the time, saying that the executive had a young family and was unable to move Amsterdam straight away. Perhaps referring to these incidents, in a farewell blog to supporters just before Christmas, Naidoo conceded: “The organisation is still licking its wounds from setbacks that have occurred on my watch – times when we have failed to live up to the values we champion.” He sadded that the organisation was learning from its mistakes.

But Naidoo says that he has been changed by his time leading Greenpeace. “I was dealing with climate change as if it is any other problem but climate change is a ‘game-changer’ … My biggest debt to Greenpeace is how much I’ve learned about how environmental justice and protection is about clean water, uncontaminated food, clothing that doesn’t have toxins in it, how poverty is an environmental issue.”

It is a message that he hopes will remain at the organisation’s core: “Imagine we are the last people on the planet and climate change has happened and we decided to write up the history of humanity and put it in a capsule so that if human life emerges again they won’t make the same mistakes, one of the things we would probably conclude is that those who historically deem themselves to be civilised and need to civilise the uncivilised – that is the indigenous peoples of the world – we would conclude that the people who were most civilised were the indigenous peoples of the world. ” SOURCE

 

The Biggest Energy and Climate Stories of 2015

Credit: Wikipedia

By , reposted from ClimateCentral, 2015

Clean Power Plan is Finalized

A coal-fired power plant in Washington State. Credit: Kid Clutch/flickr

The Obama administration’s most sweeping climate policy, the Clean Power Plan, is meant to cut carbon dioxide emissions from existing coal-fired power plants — the largest source of greenhouse gas emissions driving global climate change. After more than a year of public wrangling over its details, the Clean Power Plan took effect in October when it was published in the federal register.

The plan is likely to be the policy that does the most to cut greenhouse gas emissions in the U.S. over the next decade as it pushes utilities to continue their switch from coal-fired power plants to natural gas-fueled power plants and renewables. Combined with energy efficiency measures, the Clean Power Plan’s goal is to slash greenhouse gas emissions from existing coal-fired power plants by 32 percent below 2005 levels by 2030.

The Keystone XL Pipeline Dies

The Obama administration received pressure from both scientists and activists to stop the Keystone XL Pipeline from being built on U.S. soil. Credit: Light Brigading/flickr

Other than melting glaciers and extreme weather, few issues have symbolized the fight over climate change more than the proposed $8 billion 1,179-mile Keystone XL Pipeline, which would have carried more than 800,000 barrels of Canadian tar sands oil daily from Alberta to Texas. In November, citing mainly climate concerns, the Obama administration deniedthe pipeline’s builder, TransCanada, a permit to build the international pipeline on U.S. soil.

Keystone XL became a symbol of the fight over climate change and greenhouse gas emissions because of the tar sands crude oil it would have carried — a thick tar-like substance called bitumen that is much more carbon-laden and energy intensive to produce than most other crude oil. Critics worried that if Keystone XL was approved by the Obama administration, it may have undermined American leadership at the Paris climate talks and signaled that the U.S. was not taking climate change seriously.

Keystone XL may have become less relevant over time, anyway. TransCanada has begun using trains and other pipelines to transport its bitumen to refineries and crashing oil prices have thrown the future of the Canadian tar sands into question. In the end, though, climate change was the main reason the Obama administration cited for its demise.

Offshore Wind Emerges in U.S.

An offshore wind farm in the United Kingdom. Credit: Statkraft/flickr

There is enough space to build wind turbines in the waters off U.S. coastlines to nearly quadruple the total U.S. electric power generating capacity. But unlike Europe, where more than 2,300 wind turbines twirl off the shores of 11 countries, not a single megawatt of wind power is being produced off U.S. coasts today — a huge missed opportunity for America, scientists say.

That began to change in 2015. Construction began during the summer on America’s first offshore wind farm — the 30 megawatt, five-turbine Block Island Wind Farm off the coast of Rhode Island. Even though Europe has shown offshore wind can be successful, the Block Island project may prove that it can work in the U.S. and become a step toward meeting the Obama administration’s goal of generating 20,000 megawatts of renewable power on federally controlled lands and waters by 2020.

Solar Power Booms

A solar power matrix. Credit: David Goehring/flickr

If it seems like more and more solar panels are appearing on rooftops and solar farms, that’s because they are. Solar power, both rooftop and utility-scale, continued its boom in 2015 as panels became more efficient and solar panel prices continued to fall.

By the start of 2015, solar power sector employment had nearly doubled to 174,000 workers as more and more utilities and homeowners installed solar panels to take advantage of the low costs.

Since the late 1970s, the cost of a solar panel has fallen 99 percent. Just in the past five years, the cost of a utility-scale photovoltaic power project has dropped to $1.68 per watt from $3.80 per watt in 2010, translating to about 6 cents per kilowatt hour today, Mike Carr, principal deputy assistant secretary for the Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy at the U.S. Department of Energy, said.

Hawaii Sets 100 Percent Renewable Goal

Honolulu, Hawaii. Credit: Cocoabiscuit/flickr

Most states get some of their electricity from renewables, but no state gets all of its power from the wind and the sun. (Fossil fuels are the main fuel for power plants nationwide.) In June, Hawaii became the first state in the U.S. to set a goal of getting all of its electricity from the wind, sun and other zero-carbon sources.

The Aloha State has until 2045 to figure out how to go 100 percent renewable. It’s joining other states focusing heavily on renewables, such as California and New York, and leading the rest of the country in innovation in low-carbon electricity.

Hawaii is being driven to renewables mainly by cost and not climate change, though. The island chains’ isolation requires it to generate power using imported crude oil, which gives it the highest electricity costs in the nation. Those costs have prompted residents to generate their own electricity using solar power.

Whatever Hawaii’s motivation, its renewables goal set in 2015 makes it the top state to watch in the coming years for renewables development. SOURCE


 

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