The neoliberal assault: Canada’s wealthy take bigger slice of income pie says OECD

A new OECD study suggests Canada’s top earners are taking a bigger slice of the income pie. (Dmitriy Shironosov/iStockphoto)
A new OECD study suggests Canada’s top earners are taking a bigger slice of the income pie. (Dmitriy Shironosov/iStockphoto)

By Tavia Grant, reposted from the Globe and Mail, Apr 30, 2014

The gap between the rich and the rest is widening, with Canada’s top earners seeing one of the highest increases in income shares of any industrialized country.

A new OECD paper [see below], which looks at changes in income concentration at the top of the distribution over the past three decades, finds the shares of the richest 1 per cent in total pre-tax income have grown in most advanced economies.

But they’ve grown faster in English-speaking ones. The top percentile of earners captured about 47 per cent of total growth in the U.S., 37 per cent in Canada and more than 20 per cent in Australia and the United Kingdom.

“This explains why the majority of the population cannot reconcile the aggregate income growth figures with the performance of their incomes,” the paper said. MORE


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Climate change alarm sounded in Saskatchewan

A Saskatchewan organization is sounding the alarm over climate change and wants municipalities and the province to take action.
A Saskatchewan organization is sounding the alarm over climate change and wants municipalities and the province to take action. Brent McGillvray / Global News

by David Giles, reposted from Global News, Apr 30, 2014

SASKATOON – A Saskatchewan organization is urging the province and municipalities to take action after it released a report on climate change in the province.

chcc report cover page
Download the complete report

The Saskatchewan’s citizen’s hearings on climate change released its final report on the issue after holding a two day meeting spanning 20 hours attended by approximately 200 people last November.

The findings found the primary problems of climate change are largely caused by greenhouse gas emission associated with fuel consumption.

They said coal and then oil are the worst emitters, along with substantial emissions produced by natural gas burning or flaring and both Saskatchewan and Alberta are the worst polluters in Canada.

According to the report, Saskatchewan accounts for 10 per cent of Canada’s greenhouse emissions although it only has three per cent of the nation’s population.

“Saskatchewan and all parts of the globe have a moral responsibility to communities most affected by climate change,” reads the report. MORE


 

Here are the Conclusions and Recommendations of the Commissioners:

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Preventing Ecocide: Canadian environmental groups call for action on pesticides

reposted from the CELA Bulletin, Mar, 2014

Four major environmental organizations are calling for action by the federal government on pesticides suspected in killing bees.

In a recent media release, CELA’s client the Sierra Club of Canada Foundation, and three other groups, state that over a decade is too long to wait for action.

In a letter sent this month to Health Minister Rona Ambrose they point to multiple legal notices issued by her department under the Pest Control Products Act requiring the production of scientific studies to evaluate the chronic toxic effect on bees of clothianidin pesticide products (one of the group of neonicotinoid pesticides).

The notices refer to the lack of these studies as a “critical data gap in the risk assessment” of these products.

The organizations are demanding action on a Notice of Objection filed last September with the Minister that sought an independent review panel to evaluate the evidence about the clothianidin pesticides.

Take Action! Harper must walk away from CETA

 

Walk away from CETA

reposted from The Council of Canadians, Apr, 2014

The Harper government has clinched a new corporate rights deal with the Europe Union called the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA). The deal isn’t expected to increase trade much across the Atlantic. But itwill handcuff our communities, our provinces and our federal government so that it is even more difficult for us to protect the environment, strengthen public services, control pharmaceutical drug costs, create good jobs and support local food and farmers.

Send a letter today asking the Prime Minister to walk away from CETA!

Since the Canada-EU CETA negotiations began four years ago, economic studies have thrown cold water on government and business lobby claims that CETA will help the Canadian economy. In fact, the deal is expected to substantially increase Canada’s trade deficit with EU countries, and make us more reliant on exports of raw resources and other low-value goods.

On the other hand, while there don’t seem to be a lot of benefits in CETA, there are many big risks.

The Harper government has thrown Canadian municipalities under the bus, forever banning “buy local” and other sustainable purchasing policies that help create jobs, protect the environment and support local farmers and businesses.

The Harper government has also agreed to lengthen patents and give new monopoly protections to already profitable brand name drug companies, which will needlessly add hundreds of millions to the cost of prescription drugs in Canada. The federal government and provinces are well aware of the costs but seem willing to take them just to get a bad deal with the EU.

Finally, CETA will include an anti-democratic NAFTA-like investor rights chapter that will let European companies sue Canada when legitimate environmental, public health, conservation and other public policies inadvertently affect corporate profits. Canada is facing $2.5 billion worth of corporate lawsuits under NAFTA. We can’t afford to do it all over again with the EU – the biggest economy in the world.

TAKE ACTION

It’s time to raise the volume in our fight against CETA!

While CETA has been signed in principle, it’s far from a done deal. It faces a lengthy ratification process in both Canada and Europe. With your help, we can still stop CETA.

Send the following letter to Prime Minister Harper and Trade Minister Ed Fast, opposition party leaders and trade critics, asking them to walk away from this bad deal with the EU. Use the template letter below and feel free to add your own touches to make the letter more effective. Please also share this action on Facebook, Twitter, and in your community..

You can also make the “Walk Away From CETA” image your Facebook or Twitter profile pic for the month of October, and encourage others to do the same. By doing this, people who do not know about the Canada-EU trade and investment negotiations will be encouraged to learn more.

There is growing opposition and antipathy to CETA, but it needs to become louder to have the effect we want it to – to force the Harper government to walk away from a deal that we don’t need and can’t accept.

Ecocide_Alert

Huge Clean Air court win for US Environmental Protection Agency

Local sources of pollution and pollution from the United States can add significant amounts of ozone and ozone-forming compounds into the air that contribute to elevated smog concentrations in Ontario.

by Dianne Saxe reposted from Environmental Law and Litigation, Apr 30, 2014

The US Environmental Protection Agency has won an important court victory that may help clean the air in Ontario.

About half of the air pollution in southern Ontario blows in from the US, mostly from coal-fired power generation stations.

The EPA has been trying, for many years, to force those stations to reduce their pollution, which includes heavy loads of smog-forming particles and mercury. SOURCE

New Fisheries Changes Give Ministers Power To Allow Pollution

Salmon Swim

, Environmental Lawyer, reposted from the Huffington Post, Apr 29, 2014

New regulations under the Fisheries Act allow Canada’s fisheries and environment ministers to give blanket authorization to cause pollution in fish habitat in a range of circumstances, including pollution from fish farm companies seeking to control “pests” or invasive species. These regulations are the latest in a series of changes to Canada’s fish protection laws the government has made in the name of providing “certainty” to industry.

In 2012, the omnibus “budget” bills C-38 and C-45 made a host changes to Canada’s environmental laws, from a shiny, new and much weakened environmental assessment law, to a new Navigation Protection Act that removed protection from 99 per cent of Canada’s navigable waters.

Many of the most troubling changes were amendments to Canada’s Fisheries Act that replaced a blanket rule against harming fish habitat with a vague, and difficult to enforce,prohibition on causing “serious harm to fish.” Defined as including “permanent alteration and destruction” of fish habitat, this change has been widely criticized by scientists, lawyers and even former fisheries ministers for the lower standard of protection it provides.

Bill C-38 has also enabled the federal cabinet to allow the fisheries and environment ministers (who share responsibility for regulating pollution in fish-bearing waters) to give blanket approval to certain types of pollution.

For example, the ministers could exempt entire water bodies or species of fish from the protection of the Fisheries Act, or allow certain pollutants to be discharged, or certain polluters to pollute, without impediment by those pesky permitting processes or other forms of federal oversight.

As we feared, cabinet has taken the first step towards exempting certain polluters from federal laws regulating pollution in waters where fish occur. On April 11, it passed regulations that allow the ministers to develop rules authorizing the discharge of pollutants in fish-bearing waters, where that pollution is related to:

  • Open net fish farms, where the toxins are intended to control aquatic invasive species or species that are considered pests to a fishery. This power could be used to remove the requirement that aquaculture facilities obtain prior approval to use drugs, aquatic pesticides and biochemical oxygen-demanding matter in waters where fish occur;
  • Research. In the first draft of the regulations, this term wasn’t defined, raising concerns that “research” could include industrial activities like tailings pond monitoring. Fortunately, in response to public complaints cabinet amended the regulations, specifying that such pollution must be for done for the purposes of the development of scientific knowledge — a small but important victory for public input; and
  • Pollution covered by other federal or provincial laws or guidelines. Essentially, this provision could allow the ministers to say that the Fisheries Act provisions governing pollution in fish-bearing waters do not apply where other laws or even non-binding guidelines cover the same types of pollution, whether or not they actually protect fish. At this stage it’s not clear which industries, laws or guidelines might be covered.

These regulations raise a number of questions, largely about what DFO means by “certainty.” What about fisheries laws that would provide certainty to Canadians that their wild fish and natural environment will be there for future generations? In our view, these regulations allow the ministers to authorize a broad range of pollution with few limits or checks and balances. It is natural to fear that the federal government is preparing to abdicate its responsibilities to protect fish from pollution.

 

Also, when the federal government says that these regulations are intended to bring certainty to industry, which industry does it mean? Clearly, they are not talking about the wild fishing industry, which stands to lose out to fish farmers under these new rules.

It has been 18 months since the federal government-appointed Cohen Commissionexpressed strong reservations about the conflict between the Department of Fisheries and Oceans’ mandate to protect wild salmon and their mandate to promote aquaculture:

As long as DFO has a mandate to promote salmon farming, there is a risk that DFO will act in a manner that favours the interests of the salmon‐farming industry over the health of wild fish stocks.

Since then DFO has lifted the moratorium on fish farms in B.C. without addressing the fundamental concerns raised by Cohen. As fisheries biologist Alexandra Morton points out, the department’s mandate to expand fish farming seems to be alive and well. As DFO staffrecently testified to a Senate Committee, rules that prevent fish farms from depositing toxic substances into fish bearing waters are a “very critical impediment to further operation of the aquaculture industry.”

And what about DFO’s mandate to protect wild fish? Just what do the regulations mean for fish?

Right now? Not much. The new regulations do not themselves permit pollution, but they do pave the way for new rules allowing it.

To be fair, the ministers could develop strong rules that impose stringent standards on the deposit of aquaculture drugs and pesticides, with stringent requirements for monitoring and only after environmental impact analyses have demonstrated that there would be no direct or cumulative harms to the receiving environment. But the minister’s new rules could also be a disaster for Canada’s wild fish populations, allowing the fish farms to dump toxins into salmon habitat without prior assessment, monitoring or consideration of how many other farms are dumping the same substances into the same waters.

Unfortunately, the government has sometimes shown itself only too willing to reduce environmental protection at the behest of industries.

Time will tell whether any rules developed under these new ministerial powers provide for strong protection for wild fish. But at the present time we are very concerned. SOURCE


 

By Andrew Gage and Anna Johnston, West Coast Environmental Law Association

Broadbent: A way forward for Canada’s progressives

broadbent
Ed Broadbent at the 2012 NDP leadership convention in Toronto.

by Ed Broadbent, reposted from the Toronto Star, Apr 14, 2014

The end of March marked an important moment for Canada’s progressive movement.

Between March 28 and 30, more than 600 Canadians from across the country converged in Ottawa to take part in the Broadbent Institute’s inaugural policy conference, the Progress Summit.

I’ve never seen assembled in one place such a diverse group of progressives, young and old – francophones, anglophones and allophones; Aboriginals and non-Aboriginals; environmentalists, trade unionists, social justice and LGBTQ rights activists; academics, policy makers and private sector economists.

We were there to talk about how to build a fairer and more sustainable 21st-century economy, and how to organize and realize this vision.

This is a particularly important moment in Canada’s history to have such a conversation. The Conservative party – and the well-organized right-wing groups that underpin it – are doing all they can to undermine Canadians’ faith in government and its role in furthering the common good.

They have attacked unions and silenced charities, gutted environmental and social programs. They scorn all expert advice. They even stop government scientists from fully discussing the results of their work.

They now promise to deliver more tax giveaways to the rich that will deepen inequality, such as the regressive income-splitting policy.

What makes all this even more disturbing is that much of the political debate in Canada is being shaped by this conservative approach, narrowing the confines of accepted political discourse and persuading Canadians that the policy options are limited. Even while the evidence is strong in polls that the majority of Canadians remain committed to progressive values, Conservatives, right-wing think tanks and much of the media keep telling us that Canada has “moved to the right.” There is an alarming disconnect between this narrow debate and what Canadians actually want and believe.

That’s why it’s time to change the conversation. As keynote speaker Mariana Mazzucato reminded the audience at the summit, the battle for progressives today is not only a matter of practical policy. Progressives must also learn how to talk differently about issues. Only by recasting the framework of public conversation can we bring about meaningful change.

I was impressed by the vigorous debate on core issues. The summit showcased a left with fresh ideas and perspectives on the most pressing challenges: how to build an innovation-led green economy, how to solve precarious work, how to reverse growing inequality – just to name a few.

The Progress Summit was a jolt in the arm, a reminder to progressives that another way of talking, thinking and doing is possible.

It certainly crystallized for me at least three important attributes of a modern Canadian social democratic vision.

First, prosperity needs to be broadly shared. One of the key policy challenges of our time is persistent income inequality. We must build the kind of economy that supports good jobs across generations, jobs that will be secure, highly productive, highly skilled and well-paid. And it’s also about using public policy and programs to redistribute wealth more equitably.

Second, prosperity needs to be greener than it ever has been before. One of the fundamental divides between the Conservative government and progressives is the approach to a green economy. Progressives, indeed most Canadians, understand that environmental and economic priorities need to be reconciled and made mutually reinforcing

And while industries must conform with rigorous modern standards of environmental performance, that is not enough. We need mission-oriented investment from the private sector and government, with a vision to make Canada a leader in innovative green industries,

Third, this growing, broadly shared and greener prosperity needs to occur within the context of a renewed democracy. We need governments that tackle the important challenges of the day armed with the best evidence and harvesting the best ideas from all stakeholders in public debate. Certainly from public servants, but also from civil society-from NGOs, academics and charities.

Instead, what we have is a government increasingly bunkered down. Seeing enemies around every corner. The mis-named Fair Elections Act is nothing more than U.S. Republican-style voter suppression. I spent more than two decades in the House of Commons, and I can think of no other Prime Minister who was focused on undermining electoral participation and public debate. Always in the past changes in the electoral process were made on the basis of all-party agreement.

Whereas 10 years ago progressives had little or no need to defend our basic democratic values and institutions, today it is essential. We must defend a strengthened and robust Elections Canada. We must demonstrate to Canadians that, unlike the present government, we want evidence-based policy; we welcome debate and understand the best decisions are made after vigorous discussion-the kind that animated the Progress Summit.

Years from now, I hope I can look back and see that the summit served as a marker, an energizing turning point for progressives in the battle to push back against those right-wing forces that have betrayed Canada’s progressive tradition. SOURCE


Ed Broadbent, a former leader of the federal New Democratic Party, is chair of the Broadbent Institute.